Saturday, April 4, 2026

IL Sup Ct opinion on rental car liability

                                                                                     April 3, 1978


City of Chicago v. Hertz Commercial Leasing Corp. 
375 N.E.2d 1285, 71 Ill. 2d 333 Docket Number: 48699 Date: April 3, 1978 71 Ill. 2d 333 (1978) 375 N.E.2d 1285 
THE CITY OF CHICAGO, Appellee, v. HERTZ COMMERCIAL LEASING CORP. et al., Appellants. No. 48699. Supreme Court of Illinois. Opinion filed April 3, 1978. Rehearing denied May 26, 1978. 

Kirkland & Ellis, of Chicago (Don H. Reuben, Lawrence Gunnels, Leo K. Wykell, and Shane H. Anderson, of counsel), for appellant Hertz Commercial Leasing Corporation. Friedman & Koven, of Chicago (Howard R. Koven, Phil C. Neal, Martin M. Ruken, and Lawrence M. Templer, of counsel), for appellants Avis Rent A Car System, Inc., and Chrysler Leasing Corporation. William R. Quinlan, Corporation Counsel, of Chicago (Daniel Pascale and Richard F. Friedman, Assistant Corporation Counsel, of counsel), for appellee. Affirmed and remanded. 



MR. JUSTICE MORAN delivered the opinion of the court: 

This case involves the interpretation of a parking ordinance of the city of Chicago (City) with respect to an owner's responsibility for vehicles illegally parked by a person other than the owner. In August of 1967, the City brought three actions, consolidated in the trial court, against Hertz Commercial Leasing Corporation, Avis Rent-A-Car System, Inc., and Chrysler Leasing Corporation (defendants). In count I of its amended complaint, the City sought to recover payment of fines from the defendants as the registered owners of vehicles allegedly parked in violation of municipal ordinances during 1966. The City prayed for judgments of $88,185 against Hertz, charging 5,879 violations; $73,425 against Avis, charging 4,895 violations; and $37,395 against Chrysler, charging 2,493 violations. Count II requested a declaratory judgment, conceding that the violating vehicles were probably in the possession of lessees of the defendants at the time of the violations. The City, nevertheless, sought to have the applicable parking ordinance interpreted to preclude the defendants from raising the defense that the owner was not in possession of the vehicle at the time of the violation. 

The trial court dismissed count I, finding that it did not sufficiently inform the defendants of the details of the alleged violations. The appellate court reversed and remanded count I for trial. (38 Ill. App.3d 835.) This aspect of the decision is not before us.

On count II, the trial court entered a declaratory judgment finding that the applicable parking ordinance creates a presumption that the registered owner was in possession of the vehicle at the time of the parking violation, that the presumption may be rebutted by a showing that the vehicle was not in fact in the possession of the registered owner, and, ultimately, that the defendants were not responsible for violations while the vehicles were in the possession of their lessees. A majority decision of the appellate court reversed, holding that the parking ordinance imposes vicarious liability on the registered owner and that an owner is not absolved of responsibility if, at the time of the parking violation, he had "voluntarily transfer[red] possession [of the vehicle] for hire." (38 Ill. App.3d 835, 844.) We granted the defendants' petition for leave to appeal.

The adopted municipal ordinance in question provides: "Whenever any vehicle shall have been parked in violation of any of the provisions of any ordinance prohibiting or restricting parking, the person in whose name such vehicle is registered shall be prima facie responsible for such violation and subject to the penalty therefor." (Emphasis added.) Chicago Municipal Code, ch. 27, sec. 364(a). 

We emphasize at the outset that the ordinance cannot be read to treat owners who lease vehicles for hire any differently from owners who gratuitously lend their vehicles to friends or family members. The issue, though framed differently by the parties in response to the appellate court's opinion, is whether the ordinance purports to impose liability on the owner as the presumptive driver of the vehicle at the time of the parking violation, or whether it purports to impose vicarious liability on the owner, regardless of who actually parked the vehicle. If the former, then an owner any owner, not merely an owner who leases vehicles for hire may absolve himself of liability by showing that he was not the person who parked the vehicle alleged to have been in violation of a parking ordinance. 

Parking ordinances similar to, and almost identical to, the above cited ordinance have been examined by courts throughout the country over the past 50 years. The controversy almost invariably emerges as a concerted attempt by the courts to discern the intention of the local authority in regulating parking. Some local authorities seek to impose liability ultimately on the driver and do so by summoning the registered owner to court, at which time the owner is presumed to have parked the vehicle. The owner may successfully rebut this presumption, in which case the local authorities are thrust into the dilemma of either securing personal jurisdiction over the driver, or dismissing the case.[1] Other local authorities seek to impose liability directly on the registered owner, in which case the owner is held vicariously responsible for the violation. In either case, the person subject to the penalty is strictly liable, in the legal sense that the owner or driver need not have intended to commit the offense to be responsible for the violation. 

The defendants vigorously argue that the plain meaning of the words "prima facie responsible" in the Chicago ordinance indicates that it was the municipality's clear intention to allow the registered owner to rebut the presumption that the vehicle was parked by the owner. The issue cannot be so facilely resolved. The words "prima facie" mean nothing more than "at first sight" or "so far as can be judged from the first disclosure" or "presumably" or "without more." (Black's Law Dictionary 1353 (4th ed. 1957); Iowa City v. Nolan (Iowa 1976), 239 N.W.2d 102, 105.) In its statutory context, the words "prima facie" mean that the City has established its case against the registered owner by proving (1) the existence of an illegally parked vehicle, and (2) registration of that vehicle in the name of the defendant. Such proof constitutes a prima facie case against the defendant owner. There is no indication in the ordinance that the owner, to be presumed responsible for the violation, must be presumed to have been the person who parked the vehicle. In practice, the defendant, to absolve himself of responsibility, may show that the vehicle was not parked illegally or that he was not the registered owner of the vehicle at the time of the alleged violation. The defenses are limited, but the plain meaning of the ordinance admits of no more. A predecessor of the ordinance in question provided: 

"Whenever any vehicle shall have been parked in violation of any of the provisions of this chapter prohibiting or restricting parking, the person in whose name such vehicle is registered shall be subject to the penalty for such violation." (Chicago Municipal Code, ch. 27, sec. 34.1.) 

This unambiguous language imposes both strict and vicarious liability on the owner whenever his vehicle is illegally parked, irrespective of whether the owner was the person who parked the vehicle. 

The defendants assert that, because the present ordinance added the words "prima facie responsible for such violation," the City deliberately chose to incorporate into the ordinance the presumption that proof of ownership is prima facie evidence that the vehicle was parked by the owner. We interpret the development of the ordinance differently. 

In City of Chicago v. Crane (1943), 319 Ill. App. 623, the appellate court was called upon to construe the predecessor ordinance to determine whether an owner could be subject to the penalty for a parking violation which he did not commit or authorize. The trial court had found that an ordinance which "purports to make the owner of a car liable whenever the car is illegally parked * * * is completely without basis in law." (319 Ill. App. 623, 627.) The appellate court reversed, holding that the City established a prima facie case against the owner by proving that the defendant owned the car that was parked within 15 feet of a fire hydrant. The defendant had offered no evidence to rebut the prima facie case. In its opinion, the court cited cases from other jurisdictions which involved ordinances, all of which attached liability to the owner, but which differed in that they found the owner either liable as the owner or as the presumptive driver at the time of the violation. Because, in Crane, the owner did not introduce any evidence to rebut the prima facie case, the court was not called upon to determine if that Chicago ordinance imposed liability on the owner as owner or as the presumptive driver. It did, however, emphasize that the City had "made out a prima facie case." (City of Chicago v. Crane (1943), 319 Ill. App. 623, 631.) We can assume only that the City amended its ordinance to indicate, as intimated in the Crane decision, that proof of a violation and of registered ownership establishes the City's prima facie case against a defendant and that the defendant may rebut either element of the prima facie case. See K. Levin, Ownership as Evidence of Responsibility for Parking Violation, 41 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 61, 62 (1950). 

Our own research reveals four cases from other jurisdictions which interpret the words "prima facie responsible" in precisely the context presented in this case. In City of Columbus v. Webster (1960), 170 Ohio St. 327, 328, 164 N.E.2d 734, 735, the applicable ordinance read, in pertinent part: "If any vehicle is found * * * in violation of any * * * ordinance of this city, regulating the stopping or standing or parking of vehicles, and the identity of the driver cannot be determined, the owner, or person in whose name such vehicle is registered shall be held prima facie responsible for such violation.'" (Emphasis added.) Ohio's supreme court, in holding the owner vicariously liable for the parking violation, expressly rejected the interpretation that the ordinance made "proof of illegal parking and registered ownership prima facie evidence that the vehicle was parked by the owner." It stated that the ordinance "merely places prima facie responsibility for the illegal parking of a motor vehicle on the public streets upon the owner of such vehicle. It thus places the responsibility upon the person who is in the best position to know the identity of the operator." City of Columbus v. Webster (1960), 170 Ohio St. 327, 331, 164 N.E.2d 734, 737. 

The Supreme Court of Missouri reached the same conclusion in interpreting a Kansas City ordinance which provided that "the owner or person in whose name such vehicle is registered in the records of any city, county or state shall be held prima facie responsible for such violation, if the driver thereof is not present." (Emphasis added.) (499 S.W.2d 449, 451.) The court concluded that "[t]he words `prima facie', as used in this ordinance, do not mean that the owner is presumed to be the driver," and held that the ordinance "places responsibility upon the owner without any requirement that he be found to have been the driver, whether that finding is premised on a presumption or direct evidence." (Emphasis in original.) (499 S.W.2d 449, 452.) The court further noted that an ordinance "imposing liability for the parking violation fine on the owner as well as the driver may well result in fewer violations and thereby assist in the reduction of traffic problems." (City of Kansas City v. Hertz Corp. (Mo. 1973), 499 S.W.2d 449, 452-53.) We note that the case provided an identical factual context to this case, in that a rental company had leased its car to a person whose identity was known by the court and who assumedly committed the violation. 

In Iowa City v. Nolan (Iowa 1976), 239 N.W.2d 102, 103, the applicable ordinance provided similarly: "If any vehicle is found stopped, standing or parking in any manner violative of the provisions of [applicable ordinances] and the identity of the operator cannot be determined, the owner or person or corporation in whose name said vehicle is registered shall be held prima facie responsible for said violation." (Emphasis in original.) 

Iowa's supreme court, citing the Kansas City case, held that, under the ordinance, a registered owner may be held vicariously liable for his illegally parked vehicle. 

In a distinguishable case, an intermediate appellate court did reach a different conclusion. In City of Portland v. Kirk (1974), 16 Ore. App. 329, 331 n. 1, 518 P.2d 665, 666 n. 1, the ordinance provided that "[t]he registered owner of the vehicle is prima facie responsible for the violation charged by the parking citation." (Emphasis added.) The court concluded that the ordinance established a permissive inference that the owner of the vehicle was the party who parked the vehicle. We note, however, that the Portland ordinance permitted imprisonment for up to six months for parking offenses. Although the court did not imply that it reached its conclusion in light of the possibility that an owner could be subject not only to fine but to imprisonment, it is recognized that vicarious liability should not be extended as readily to crimes which may subject a defendant to imprisonment. W. LaFave & A. Scott, Criminal Law sec. 32, at 223 (1972); F. Sayre, Criminal Responsibility for the Acts of Another, 43 Harv. L. Rev. 689, 723 (1930). 

We are in accord with the results reached by the supreme courts of Ohio, Missouri and Iowa. We believe that the City intended, under both the previous and the present ordinances, to subject the owner of an illegally parked vehicle to the penalty for such parking violation. The incorporation of the words "prima facie responsible" merely clarified that the defendant is not conclusively subject to penalty once the City establishes its prima facie case of a violation and ownership, but that he can come forward with evidence contraverting either element of the case against him. Accordingly, we hold that the Chicago parking ordinance imposes vicarious liability on the registered owner and that proof that the vehicle was in the possession of another at the time of the violation is irrelevant to the substantive offense. 

A question then arises as to whether the imposition of vicarious liability on an owner who rents a vehicle for hire, thereby voluntarily relinquishing the possession and control of the vehicle for the term of the lease agreement, is a constitutional denial of due process. The United States Supreme Court had occasion to consider the extent to which liability could be imposed on a vicarious party without depriving the party of its constitutional right to due process in Van Oster v. Kansas (1926), 272 U.S. 465, 71 L. Ed. 354, 47 S. Ct. 133. There a Kansas statute declared that a vehicle used in the illegal transportation of liquor was a common nuisance and subject to forfeiture. An owner voluntarily entrusted his vehicle to another who unlawfully used the vehicle without the owner's knowledge. In affirming the constitutionality of the statutory forfeiture procedure, the court stated: 

"It is not unknown or indeed uncommon for the law to visit upon the owner of property the unpleasant consequences of the unauthorized action of one to whom he has entrusted it. * * * So here the legislature, to effect a purpose clearly within its power, has adopted a device consonant with recognized principles and therefore within the limits of due process." (Van Oster v. Kansas (1926), 272 U.S. 465, 467-68, 71 L. Ed. 354, 358, 47 S. Ct. 133, 134.) 

Since that time, the United States Supreme Court has approved vicarious liability for violations which subject the vicarious party to criminal as well as civil liability. (United States v. Dotterweich (1943), 320 U.S. 277, 88 L. Ed. 48, 64 S. Ct. 134; United States v. Park (1975), 421 U.S. 658, 44 L. Ed. 2d 489, 95 S. Ct. 1903.) Vicarious criminal liability has been found within the limits of due process to the extent that the person who is unaware of the wrongdoing stands "in responsible relation to a public danger." (United States v. Dotterweich (1943), 320 U.S. 277, 281, 88 L. Ed. 48, 51, 64 S. Ct. 134, 136.) The responsible relation of an owner of a vehicle to its operation and use is a natural one. The public has a right to expect that a vehicle owner who voluntarily surrenders control of his vehicle to another is in the best position both to know the identity and competence of the person to whom he entrusts the vehicle and to deter the commission of parking violations. As one court has stated, "The knowledge of the ordinary user of another's car that the owner who permitted its use would have to respond to a summons and submit to a trial * * * would in all likelihood be a strong deterrent * * *." Kinney Car Corp. v. City of New York (1968), 58 Misc. 2d 365, 295 N.Y.S.2d 288, 292, aff'd (1971), 28 N.Y.2d 741, 269 N.E.2d 829, 321 N.Y.S.2d 121. 

As to owners who rent vehicles for hire, contractual provisions such as an express acknowledgment of personal liability to pay the lessor on demand for all parking fines and court costs or the requirement of security deposits would also serve to deter the irresponsible commission of parking violations. Therefore, the imposition of vicarious liability on an owner who voluntarily relinquishes control of his vehicle to another is constitutionally permissible. Accord, Commonwealth v. Minicost Car Rental, Inc. (1968), 354 Mass. 746, 242 N.E.2d 411. 

We do not have occasion, under the facts of the instant case, to decide whether a vehicle owner can be held vicariously liable for a violation committed by a person, such as a thief, to whom the owner may have no "responsible relation" and no means of deterring such violation. 

In an attempt to respond to the appellate court's opinion, the defendants rely on three distinct constitutional arguments based upon (1) the creation of an irrebuttable presumption, (2) the denial of equal protection, and (3) the retroactive creation of a penal offense. An irrebuttable presumption may be a constitutional denial of due process if it deprives a party of the opportunity to prove the nonexistence of an essential element of the substantive offense. The defendants' position assumes that an essential element of the ordinance is the presumption that the owner was the person who parked the vehicle. As we have previously stated, the ordinance does not purport to incorporate that presumption into the substantive offense. The two elements of the substantive offense are rebuttable by a showing that a violation was not committed or that the defendant was not the owner at the time of the violation. The constitutional requirement of procedural due process is satisfied because the defendant is not precluded from rebutting either element of the substantive offense. 

The defendants' contention that the ordinance denies them equal protection under the law must also fall. As we emphasized at the outset, we do not interpret the ordinance to impose vicarious liability only upon owners who rent their vehicles for hire. Because the ordinance does not create a classification which distinguishes rental owners from ordinary vehicle owners, no equal protection issue is involved. 

Similarly, we find no merit to the defendants' argument that by construing the ordinance to impose vicarious liability on vehicle owners we have retroactively created an offense which could not have been reasonably ascertained from a reading of the ordinance. The fundamental principle is that a criminal law must not be given retroactive effect if judicial construction of the law is "`unexpected and indefensible by reference to the law which had been expressed prior to the conduct in issue.'" (Bouie v. Columbia (1964), 378 U.S. 347, 354, 12 L. Ed. 2d 894, 900, 84 S. Ct. 1697, 1703.) On its face, the ordinance imposes liability on an owner whenever his vehicle is illegally parked. Our construction of the ordinance is entirely consistent with the result reached in City of Chicago v. Crane (1943), 319 Ill. App. 623, as well as with recognized principles of vicarious liability for parking offenses in many other jurisdictions. Supreme courts in three neighboring jurisdictions have specifically interpreted the words "prima facie responsible" to have the meaning which we ascribe to them. Moreover, one of the defendants here was the party held vicariously liable in one case interpreting an ordinance which involved similar language. (City of Kansas City v. Hertz Corp. (Mo. 1973), 499 S.W.2d 449.) 

We, therefore, conclude that the defendants could have reasonably anticipated a construction of the ordinance which imposes vicarious liability on the owner of an illegally parked vehicle irrespective of whether the owner actually parked the vehicle. 

The defendants also contend that construing the ordinance to impose vicarious liability on the owner places it in direct conflict with sections 11-1305(a), 16-201, and 16-202 of the Illinois Vehicle Code (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, pars. 11-1305(a), 16-201, 16-202), which, in 1966, were part of the Uniform Act Regulating Traffic on Highways (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1965, ch. 95 1/2, pars. 188a, 236, 237). 

Section 11-1305(a) applies specifically to vehicle owners who lease their vehicles to others, and declares that such owners, "after receiving written notice of a violation of this Article or a parking regulation of a local authority involving such vehicle, shall upon request provide such police officers as have authority of the offense, and the court having jurisdiction thereof, with a written statement of the name and address of the lessee at the time of such offense and the identifying number upon the registration plates of such vehicle." (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, par. 11-1305(a).) Sections 16-201 and 16-202 state, in essence, that a person who commits a violation of the Code or an owner or other person who directs or knowingly permits a vehicle to be operated on a highway in a manner contrary to law is guilty of an offense under the Code. (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, pars. 16-201, 16-202.) The defendants argue that the ordinance is inconsistent with section 11-1305(a) in that the statutory provision contemplates that lessor-owners be absolved of liability for parking violations by providing the names and addresses of the lessees who possessed the vehicles at the time of the offenses. They argue that the ordinance is also inconsistent with sections 16-201 and 16-202, in that those statutory provisions, by exclusion, contemplate that vehicle owners cannot be found guilty of vehicle-related offenses merely because they own the vehicle at the time of an offense. 

Section 11-1305(a) is wholly consistent with a municipal ordinance which imposes vicarious liability on any owner of a vehicle. The section is absolutely silent regarding allocation of liability. It dictates only that, upon request, a vehicle lessor shall provide the name and address of the lessee. We find no basis for defendants' assertion that the section contemplates that lessor-owners be absolved of liability for traffic violations by providing the name and address of the lessee who possessed the vehicle at the time of the offense. On the contrary, the section does not purport to limit liability to the lessee, but, rather, to facilitate the imposition of liability on either the lessor or the lessee. A municipality which permits liability to be imposed only upon the person who parked the vehicle might request the information in an effort to pursue the lessee. Another municipality, which provides for the imposition of liability directly on the owner as well as on the person who parked the vehicle, might invoke this section in an effort to attach liability on either the lessor or the lessee. The intention of section 11-1305(a) is to leave the decision of the allocation of liability to those law-enforcement officials who have authority over the prosecution of the specific offenses. The section is not in conflict with the ordinance in question and certainly does not repeal it by implication. 

Sections 16-201 and 16-202 define those persons who might be criminally liable for offenses committed under the Illinois Vehicle Code. The sections do not expressly exclude vicarious liability as a basis for holding a person responsible for vehicle-related offenses. The defendants contend, however, that the sections clearly evince a legislative policy which precludes the imposition of vicarious penal liability. Assuming arguendo that such a legislative policy exists, we must still confront the narrower question of whether the imposition of vicarious liability for municipal parking violations is inconsistent with a legislative policy which pertains to penal offenses. To answer that, we must examine the statutory scheme embraced by the Illinois Vehicle Code. Section 11-207 of the Code (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, par. 11-207), like its predecessor (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1965, ch. 95 1/2, par. 122), provides for the uniform enforcement of traffic laws throughout the State and in all municipalities therein. It also provides that no local authority shall enact or enforce any ordinance in conflict with the provisions of the Code unless expressly authorized in the Code, but that local authorities may adopt additional traffic regulations which are not in conflict with the Code. (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, par. 11-207.) Section 11-208 of the Code (formerly section 26 of the Uniform Act Regulating Traffic on Highways (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1965, ch. 95 1/2, par. 123)) authorizes local authorities to enact and enforce ordinances regulating, among other things, the parking of vehicles. It reads, in pertinent part: "(a) The provisions of this Chapter shall not be deemed to prevent local authorities with respect to streets and highways under their jurisdiction and within the reasonable exercise of the police power from: (1) Regulating the standing or parking of vehicles * * *." Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 95 1/2, par. 11-208(a). Section 11-207 and its predecessor have been interpreted on numerous occasions by this court and by the appellate courts. The section has been consistently construed to allow local authorities to adopt traffic ordinances to the extent that they are not inconsistent with State law. The section does not attempt to preempt the field to the exclusion of local authorities. (Ayres v. City of Chicago (1909), 239 Ill. 237; City of Rockford v. Floyd (1968), 104 Ill. App.2d 161, 169-70.) Section 11-208 underscores the State's policy of allowing local authorities to adopt traffic ordinances by specifying areas in which local autonomy will be preserved. It is no coincidence that the Illinois Vehicle Code does not purport to extensively regulate parking. The purpose of this statutory scheme is apparent. Although the Code expresses the general preference for uniform traffic regulations throughout the State, it also contemplates limited areas, such as the regulation of parking, for which statewide uniformity is wisely sacrificed in deference to the problems endemic to the individual municipalities. 

This statutory scheme of separating municipal traffic violations from statutory traffic violations is reinforced by statutes indicating that the punishment of municipal traffic offenders is limited to fines (Ill. Rev. Stat. 1975, ch. 24, pars. 1-2-1, 1-2-1.1) and by regarding such violations as "quasi-criminal," endowed with many of the aspects of noncriminal cases, e.g., proof by a preponderance of evidence rather than proof beyond a reasonable doubt. (City of Chicago v. Joyce (1967), 38 Ill. 2d 368, 372-73; Village of Maywood v. Houston (1956), 10 Ill. 2d 117, 119.) In this regard, we have held that, in the absence of clear statutory language expressing an intention that State laws subsume those areas of local regulation, we will not construe local ordinances to be in conflict with State law. (City of Chicago v. Joyce (1967), 38 Ill. 2d 368, 373.) Moreover, recognized rules of statutory construction presume the harmonious operation and effect of two laws, so that specific ordinances are presumed to be consistent with and independent of general State laws. (1A Sutherland, Statutes and Statutory Construction secs. 23.10, 23.18, 30.05 (4th ed. 1972).) We do not read sections 16-201 and 16-202 to impliedly establish a policy that an owner cannot be vicariously liable for municipal parking violations. The sections apply only to criminal violations of the Illinois Vehicle Code. As we noted earlier, it is understandable that a legislative policy would preclude the imposition of vicarious penal liability under the Vehicle Code because statutory traffic violations, unlike municipal traffic violations, are criminal in nature and may subject a defendant to severe punishment, including imprisonment. In light of this bifurcated statutory scheme, we feel that it would be improper to apply a legislative policy against vicarious penal liability to the municipal regulation of parking, a province for which the Vehicle Code contemplates local autonomy. Accord, Kinney Car Corp. v. City of New York (1968), 58 Misc. 2d 365, 295 N.Y.S.2d 288, 292-93, aff'd (1971), 28 N.Y.2d 741, 321 N.Y.S.2d 121, 269 N.E.2d 829. 

We agree with the results reached by the appellate court, but do so for the reasons stated above. 

We, therefore, affirm the judgment of the appellate court and remand to the trial court for proceedings consistent with this opinion. Affirmed and remanded. 

 NOTES [1] In 1968, the city of New York passed an ordinance which provided that an owner who rents or leases vehicles shall be jointly and severally liable with the customer or lessee for parking violations. A report which accompanied the ordinance stated: "This proposed local law, as amended, would make auto lessors jointly and severally liable with the lessees of the vehicle for violation abuses whereby scofflaws may avoid the payment of traffic fines. At present, New York City is losing millions of dollars annually in unpaid parking tickets issued against rented vehicles. Invariably, auto lessors plead in Traffic Court that the customer and not the auto rental firm, is responsible for the traffic tickets. The court traditionally will either lay over such cases, adding to the everincreasing backlog, or else drop the matter as a general practice due to the difficulties in securing personal jurisdiction over the actual violator." Kinney Car Corp. v. City of New York (1968), 58 Misc. 2d 365, 295 N.Y.S.2d 288, 290, aff'd (1971), 28 N.Y.2d 741, 321 N.Y.S.2d 121, 269 N.E.2d 829.

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Oral arguments in the case were held at the University of Chicago Law School. As law clerk for Justice Moran, Jack Doppelt crafted the first draft of this opinion.

Thursday, February 26, 2026

Dear Congressional Dems: Don't Boycott the State of the Union

 [Update: Kudos to Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib for going loud.]                                Feb. 24, 2026

                               [The original version of this blog can be found on Substack here.]

Dear Congressional Dems: Don’t Boycott the State of the Union 

I’ve heard too many of you Congressional Dems proclaim that you’re boycotting the State of the Union

Fellow Illinoisans - Tammy Duckworth, Delia Ramirez, Mike Quigley, Sean Casten, Jan Schakowsky and Eric Sorensen - can’t we be more creative and defiant than that? 

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries says, "The two options that are in front of us in our House is to either attend with silent defiance or to not attend, and send a message to Donald Trump in that fashion." Then he pointed to opportunities for participation in alternate programming around the Capitol. 

That’s a piss poor notion of alternatives or strategies, leaving me with a bad feeling in the pit of my stomach about the 2026 campaigns ahead. 

Silent defiance is all we got? 

Instead, why don’t lawmakers go and shout out, “lie” at painfully regular intervals, in other words, when appropriate, and vary the words, so the speech is punctuated with “lie,” “bull,” “made up,” “nonsense,” “scam,” “pedophile,”and so forth? 

When he touts tariffs, you shout “taxes.” If he mentions Epstein, you shout "pedophile." When he boasts of ending wars, or peace prizes, you shout “warmonger.” When he rallies the masses against crime and corruption in Minnesota, you shout “Renee Goode” and “Alex Pretti.” 

Put a twist on Michelle Obama’s motto: When he goes lie, you go loud. [Hear Michelle elaborate on Colbert.]

https://www.facebook.com/reel/1828437814535210

The Speech or Debate Clause is there for a reason and it’s not called the Escape Clause for a reason. It reads, that you “shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.” 

Don’t interrupt. Punctuate, and let him keep talking, which he will. 

He’ll introduce the US men’s hockey team and make them his, as he’s already doing with the Summer Olympics in 2028, which allows him home field advantage in Los Angeles through an executive order establishing the White House Task Force on the 2028 Summer Olympics, offering “a powerful opportunity to showcase American strength, pride, and patriotism.” [See this previous post - Trump’s 2026 toolkit is oozing money: How to counter it?

The State of the Union is Trump’s golden ticket to seize the mic and mantle and not let go for another nine months. 

That is unless they somehow get pried away by more Epstein information that veers well beyond pedophile by association. 

The question hounding me as we get buried in a rambling statement of the American Union is whether Trump was involved in helping arrange the murder of Epstein while Epstein was in prison

Let the 2026 campaign begin. 

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Monday, February 23, 2026

Trump’s 2026 toolkit is oozing money: How to counter it?

                      [The original version of this blog can be found on Substack here.]     Feb 21, 2026 

Gotta be encouraged by word of Trump’s tanked approval ratings, hitting rock bottom in four polls, according to Newsweek and plenty others. Of course, don’t be bamboozled by the White House comeback, “The ultimate poll was Nov. 5, 2024, when nearly 80 million Americans overwhelmingly elected President Trump to deliver on his popular and commonsense agenda.” 


I look forward with voyeuristic anticipation to Trump’s State of the Union address on Tuesday when he glares down at the justices whom he “barely invited,” as he put it, to the charade. 

But don’t fool yourselves. Offsetting the low approval ratings and Trump’s reliably inane spectacles, going into the months-long 2026 election gauntlet, Trump totes with him a bottomless, donor-enriched election toolkit, oozing with funds. 

There’s loose change in the billions for voter suppression – ICE-stationed intimidation, redistricting ploys, contrived voter ID obstacles, disinformation campaigns, and compliant state legislatures. Despite Democratic efforts to keep re-charging words like affordability and inflation, the vagaries of the economy are aligned in Trump’s corner with a Powell-free Federal Reserve and the timely short term injection of AI into stock market numbers that affect 62% of Americans, according to Gallup

Then there’s billions left over to stoke a steady stream of razzle dazzle events bursting in the air of 2026. With the 2026 Winter Olympics in Italy ending momentarily, Olympic attention will pivot to the next Summer Olympics in 2028, which allows Trump home field advantage in Los Angeles. Just as Trump takes credit for ending handfuls of wars, he has in place an executive order establishing the White House Task Force on the 2028 Summer Olympics, which touts “one of the most prominent international sports events of the 21st century,” offering “a powerful opportunity to showcase American strength, pride, and patriotism while welcoming the world to our shores.” That’s nearly two years lead time to have the games renamed the Trump Summer Olympics and build a pantheon of Trump hotels that require athletes, entourages and an entire village to stay there. 

For more than a month, come June 11–July 19, the 2026 FIFA World Cup will be jointly hosted by three countries—Canada, Mexico, and the United States—marking the first time the tournament has been hosted by three nations. It will feature 48 teams across 16 cities, and no doubt FIFA will showcase its first and only FIFA recipient who received the FIFA Peace award in December at the World Cup team drawing for this year’s games. As a continuing lead up to the games, FIFA’s President this week sported a red MAGA-like USA hat, laughing all the way during the inaugural meeting of Trump’ s Board of Peace. 

FIFA President Gianni Infantino sports an iconic red “USA” hat
at the inaugural meeting of Trump’s Board of Peace 

All this is small sports potatoes next to the Super Bowl of patriotism - the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, dubbed Freedom 250 for optimal flag waving. Freedom 250 is already rolling with steam, with Trump’s declaration on Feb. 5, rededicating America as One Nation Under God, according to the Christian Broadcasting Network

 President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance pray
during the 60th Presidential Inauguration, Jan. 20, 2025.
(AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson, Pool) 

A sacred prayer ceremony, The National Prayer, Praise and Thanksgiving, is scheduled for the National Mall on May 17. The site invokes: “Join with neighbors and friends from every state in the Union in giving thanks and praise to God for 250 years of His Providence for the United States, in praying that God Bless and Protect America for the next 250 years, and in solemnly rededicating our country as One Nation under God. In speech, song, and storytelling, we will bear witness to the extraordinary story of how God has powerfully and wondrously shaped the United States of America—remembering the people, sacrifices, and defining moments in which God has powerfully manifested Himself in our history.” 

The blockbuster event is set for June 14 – Trump’s 79th birthday, wouldn’t you know. The U.S. Army is expecting to spend from $25 million to $45 million on the National Mall event. According to ABC News, “that number is likely to grow when factoring in costs from other federal agencies. According to officials familiar with the plan, the Army’s estimate would cover the cost to fly in some 6,600 soldiers for the event and provide them food and housing. It also would cover the cost of transporting the 150 vehicles -- including tanks -- along with 50 aircraft. Fireworks, military flyovers and musical performances also are planned.” 

That number doesn’t account for the many other PR opportunities at Trump’s disposal. The U.S. Semiquincentennial Commission (America250), originally sought $150 million from Congress. Trump has enlisted the nation’s ambassadors to pitch for millions from around the globe, according to The Independent. “I think there is a competitive environment between some of the ambassadors right now of who can raise the most,” Ted Osius, a former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam, told The New York Times, which added: From his desk at the White House in December, Trump announced a campaign to organize a series of Fourth of July celebrations for America’s 250th birthday, saying it would be “the most spectacular birthday party the world has ever seen.” 

Philadelphia, where the Declaration of Independence was officially signed on Aug. 2, 1776, has been steeped in its own events planning. The President’s House, a short walk from Independence Hall, had prepared an outdoor exhibit, entitled “Freedom and Slavery in the Making of a New Nation,” depicting how Presidents Washington and Adams, and their households, once lived and worked at a house on the site. That is until federal officials began removing exhibit panels at the behest of yet another Trump Executive Order, ironically entitled “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History.” 

Philly, filed suit to keep the exhibits from being taken down and won, with a federal judge writing a scathing ruling: “As if the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s 1984 now existed, with its motto ‘Ignorance is Strength,’ this Court is now asked to determine whether the federal government has the power it claims—to dissemble and disassemble historical truths when it has some domain over historical facts.” The judge concluded, it did not. [See this earlier post.

All that crammed into one toolkit is Trump’s election year superpower, ready to be unleashed to divert the most glaring favorability slides. Deep, deep pockets and good old American patriotism (USA, USA, USA chants) will be hard to overcome. Will the public be repulsed by the self-aggrandizing gaudiness or be taken in by a call to a patriotic fervor that has enough fire power to launch wars? 

It will be unseemly for the opposition to invoke rallying cries like resistance, anti-war, anti-ICE to many of the Trump cards. Aces in the hole, like Epstein and ICE, don’t beat Trump cards. 

The aces are impressive but do they have the Avada Kedavra powers to take down a dark wizard in 8-9 months? 

What’s needed, I believe, are organized, prescriptive directions and programs, more concrete than hope and saving democracy. One way to frame it is: What does progressive patriotism look and feel like? What does and should the Declaration of Independence stimulate in us? If not a show of military might or religion on the mall, then what? 

Keep your money. Show me the pride, the plans, the humanity and empathy that America is known for around the world; the one that attracts investors, innovators, immigrants, and artistic talent. 

It was not long ago that Florida and Texas conspired to deport immigrants and refugees to blue states and cities to rub in our collective faces and communities a “see if you like it” payback. Instead of planning for it, liking and welcoming it, our communities let NIMBY instincts loose and rebelled against the immigrants. 

When Trump renamed the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America” with the arrogance of a bully telling other kids they can play with a baseball only if they call it a donnie ball, we made fun of it and sulked. Wouldn’t it have better to mount a PR campaign and counter with “The Gulf of the Americas” in the service of a cooperative, hemispheric alliance led by the US? 

If flag waving and USA, USA, USA chants are cringeworthy and jingoistic, bring out banners that capture the moment. I’m even prepared to put away the T-Rump banner I made and trade it in for one that goes beyond anti-Trump, away from Make America whatever Again, and more defining than peace, love and understanding. We need an affirmative alternative to No Kings. If no kings, then what? 
Instead of “anti-ICE” or “Abolish ICE,” why not campaign to re-purpose the priorities of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and bring out the full scope of its responsibilities? Its official mission, as it is now, is to manage immigration by overseeing enforcement and service functions: 

U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) is to control border security, ports of entry, and inspections of people/goods entering the U.S. Fine with me. 

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) is to handle lawful immigration, including processing green cards, citizenship, asylum, and work authorization applications. Keep it up. 

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is to manage interior enforcement, detention, and deportation of undocumented immigrants. 

Why not campaign to have ICE be limited by law, regulation and policy to removing only convicted criminals, to have local jails and prisons turn over convicted criminals to ICE for deportations with hearings, and providing legal status and a card-carrying path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who have lived in the US for five years or more with no criminal records. That may sound suspiciously like elements of Obama’s policies. I’m ok with that, even with having the policy led by a “deporter-in-chief.” 

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Wednesday, February 18, 2026

We the Nobodies

 [The original version of this blog can be found on Substack here.]

[See the Postscript at the bottom to play the game Guess the Autocracy.] 

It’s Presidents Day, an apt time to direct your attention to a bold documentary that is chilling in both its global relevance and its uncanny and unintentional similarity to America’s president. 

The documentary is Mr. Nobody Against Putin. We saw it the other night and we’re rooting for it to win best documentary at the Oscars on March 15

It’s the story of Pavel (Pasha) Talankin, a teacher and school videographer in the small, pollution-ridden town of Karabash, Russia whose isolated implosion leads him to surreptitiously document by video the evolution of the school into a Putin-propaganda indoctrination cap for students. 
Pasha Talankin
The parallels between his world under Putin and ours under Trump only a couple of years later inspire a belief that each of us has a duty to overcome silence and acquiescence in answer to the call of the soul. What Talankin does is the stuff of fantasy and savior complexes that has him relocate via Turkey, Prague, and the Sundance Film Festival to Los Angeles where he awaits the Academy Awards. 
The film has replaced my default of measuring Trump and his henchmen against Nazi Germany with a vivid, more contemporary reality. The film shows Putin on TV announcing apparently out of nowhere: “I decided to conduct a special military operation” and I think Venezuela, Greenland, Iran. 

The film heralds the New Federal Patriotic Education Policy and I read Trump’s executive order of Jan. 29, “ending Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling.” 

The film introduces us to Pavel Abdulmanov, a by-the-book, patriotic teacher, who somehow wins the area’s best teacher award, lecturing grade school students on the “economic component of hybrid warfare” and the way Europe is suffering at the hands of Russia’s superiority. The “French will soon be like the musketeers,” he boasts, and I think of Lutnick and Bessent. 
 Pavel Abdulmanov 
He regales the students that in the U.S., there are demonstrations supporting Russia, and I think of Trump boasting that he knows Putin and can end the Russia-Ukraine conflict in a day. Two years later, there’s Trump with an adjusted boast that he’s ended eight wars but that the Russia-Ukraine conflict is a mess, needing two to tango

The film has Mr. Nobody arguing with his mom in a library, complaining that with Putin, “one idiot decides to do this, and the whole world is afraid.” I think maybe it takes two idiots to have the whole world be afraid. “It would have been better if he just sat at his desk and did nothing,’ Mr. Nobody vents. Is he the brother I never had? 

Mr. Nobody feels trapped and bemoans that “even a guy like me should have some principles.” I feel the same, an "alien in my own country," as he put it. 

The film turns to some protests in the streets and to women on the street being interviewed and asked, “Is there anyone against the war?” They say no, laugh and one adds, “they won’t even dare to be against.” And I think of Minneapolis and the Trump HESTAFO being accusatory and vocally unapologetic about killing two people protesting the government’s anti-immigrant excesses, though looking fetching with hair flowing off her shoulders, bubbled lips and eyebrows on fleek.

The film revisits Abdulmanov, who’s asked whom he most admires in Russian history. He mentions Stalin’s KGB chief and father of the Gulag system, Stalin’s spy hunter, and a person responsible for how Trotsky was killed. I think Homan, Bovino, and Miller. (He even looks like Miller). 
Abdulmanov tells the students, “If you were born in this country and don’t believe we’re doing the right thing, then leave,” and I think of Trump lashing out at Olympic athletes competing for Team USA
Mr. Nobody reflects on what it means to love his country; not the flag or the anthems or the propaganda, but the memories, the cold, the seasons, the people, and the ability to say, “we have a problem.” I envision the bombast of the year ahead, of America’s 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, dubbed Freedom 250, replete with military fanfare and a prayer event on the national mall
From June 2025
250 years of the American Army's history
was commemorated on June 14 in front of a massive crowd of citizens and top US officials.
The parade coincided with President Trump's 79th birthday,
with over 6,000 soldiers, 150 military vehicles
and hundreds of aircraft taking to the streets and skies.
Click here to view the parade in the Hindustan Times
The film reports that in April 2023, Putin released updated laws on treason, making it easier to punish people for being a traitor to the motherland. I recall the fake video Trump helped circulate showing former President Obama being arrested by the FBI, to underscore his and U.S Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard’s claims that Obama was guilty of seditiously trying to steal the 2016 election

I read the other day that a five-country analysis of the death two years ago of Putin critic Alexey Navalny while in prison was caused by a lethal toxin found in poison dart frogs in South America that they concluded only “the Russian state had the combined means, motive and disregard for international law” to contribute to Navalny’s death. I think Epstein. You? 
--------------

Postscript: You now should be ready to play the game Guess the Autocracy

(No deep fake or AI tools were used or abused in choosing these photos.) 

 Russian or American? 

A
B
C
D
                                                                            E                                                                           

[Update: Also on Presidents Day, Federal Judge Cynthia Rufe, ruled that the exhibit about nine people enslaved by George Washington must be restored at his former home in Philadelphia (see details at Sinners who brandish the torch). The Trump administration had taken it down last month. Judge Rufe’s ruling was yet another stinging judicial slap at Trump’s decision making.

“As if the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s 1984 now existed, with its motto ‘Ignorance is Strength,’ this Court is now asked to determine whether the federal government has the power it claims—to dissemble and disassemble historical truths when it has some domain over historical facts.” The judge, an appointee of George W. Bush concluded, “It does not.” The Trump administration immediately appealed.]


                                                                                   ######



Friday, February 13, 2026

Judges who don’t hold back: The only vigilant branch weaponizes wit

[The original version of this blog can be found on Substack here.].                                 Feb. 7, 2026

[Update: On Presidents Day, Federal Judge Cynthia Rufe, ruled that the exhibit about nine people enslaved by George Washington must be restored at his former home in Philadelphia (see details at Sinners who brandish the torch). The Trump administration had taken it down last month. Judge Rufe’s ruling was yet another stinging judicial slap at Trump’s decision making.

“As if the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s 1984 now existed, with its motto ‘Ignorance is Strength,’ this Court is now asked to determine whether the federal government has the power it claims—to dissemble and disassemble historical truths when it has some domain over historical facts.” The judge, an appointee of George W. Bush concluded, “It does not.” The Trump administration immediately appealed.]

------------

Ever since Alexander Hamilton penned Federalist 78 in 1788, “like he was running out of time,” the Judiciary has been thought to “always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution.” Why’d Hamilton believe that? He wrote, “because it will be least in a capacity to annoy or injure them.” 


That’s become ironic. 

He explained, “It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL [caps Hamilton’s, not mine or Trump’s], but merely judgment.” That’s become prescient. 

Today, as the separation of powers separates one branch - a hapless, craven legislature divided across aisles of rhetoric and showmanship – from a self-proclaimed unitary executive who’s been granted “presumptive immunity from prosecution for his official acts” and whose power in international affairs is limited only by his “own morality” – from a Supreme Court majority that has openly coveted partisanship, bias, and corruption. 

It would be understandable to conclude that all three branches of American government are in Trump’s pocket. Checkmate. 

In just over one year, the Trump administration has had its litigious hands full. The Lawfare Institute has documented what it calls The Trials of the Trump Administration. It’s updated daily and it outpaces accountants at tax time. 

Mind the small print. Federalist 78 is about “The Judiciary Department.” There’s more to the Judiciary than the Supreme Court. 

Though we’ve grown accustomed to the Supreme Court planting its big feet on lower court rulings, often without oral arguments or signed opinions, lower court judges know how to think and write. 

Cadres of judges who hail from the Judiciary are not holding back. They’ve transformed the least dangerous branch into the only vigilant branch. They’ve preserved judgment and in lieu of force and will, weaponized wit. 
[Click here for the NYT story.]

The judges don’t mince words. They recognize that words won’t be erased even if the Supreme Court overturns their decisions. 

There’s Federal Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly, who, the other day, permanently blocked two provisions of a Trump executive order that sought to impose proof-of-citizenship rules on elections. 


Sometimes, it’s simple. 

Within days of Trump taking the oath of office, Federal Judge John C. Coughenour issued a ruling temporarily blocking President Trump’s executive order that aimed to end birthright citizenship for children born to immigrants in the U.S. temporarily or without legal status. 

He wrote: “I’ve been on the bench for four decades, I can’t remember another case where the question presented is as clear as this one is,” Coughenour said, describing Trump’s order as “blatantly unconstitutional.” 

He had more to say: “There are other times in world history where we look back and people of goodwill can say, ‘Where were the judges? Where were the lawyers?’ “ the judge said, according to KUOW News

With the Supreme Court securely entrenched, the issue of birthright citizenship may be “blatantly unconstitutional”…for now. The Supreme Court hears oral arguments this coming April Fool’s Day

Tis a gift to be simple. Some cases bear other gifts. 

In the high profile detention case the other day of Adrian Conejo Arias and his minor son, L.C.R., Federal Judge Fred Biery for the Western District of Texas, described the case this way: 


“Apparent also is the government’s ignorance of an American historical document called the Declaration of Independence.” Historical ouch. 

“Thirty-three-year-old Thomas Jefferson enumerated grievances against a would-be authoritarian king over our nascent nation. Among others were: 1. “He has sent hither Swarms of Officers to harass our People.” 2. “He has excited domestic Insurrection among us.” 3. “For quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us.” 4. “He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies without the consent of our Legislatures.” 

The judge continued, “’We the people are hearing echos of that history.” 

He went on, with pen just warming up. “And then there is that pesky inconvenience called the Fourth Amendment. From simple to pesky. 

“Civics lesson to the government: Administrative warrants issued by the executive branch to itself do not pass probable cause muster. That is called the fox guarding the henhouse. The Constitution requires an independent judicial officer.” 

From pesky through civics all the way to perfidy, lust, cruelty and human indecency. This judge is witty but not kidding. 

“Observing human behavior confirms that for some among us, the perfidious lust for unbridled power and the imposition of cruelty in its quest know no bounds and are bereft of human decency. And the rule of law be damned.” 


Also last week, another federal judge, Ana Reyes, felt the need to hold the Trump administration accountable when she found it claiming one thing to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitians and spewing another thing to vilify Haitians in flagrant efforts to talk out of both sides of foul federal mouths. 

She too provided an unsolicited history lesson: “On Dec. 2, 1783, then-Commander-in-Chief George Washington penned: ‘America is open to receive not only the Opulent & respected Stranger, but the oppressed & persecuted of all Nations & Religions.’ 

“More than two centuries later, Congress reaffirmed President Washington’s vision by establishing the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program. It provides humanitarian relief to foreign nationals in the United States who come from disaster-stricken countries. It also brings in substantial revenue, with TPS holders generating $5.2 billion in taxes annually.” 

The judge introduced the five Haitian TPS holders who had filed suit. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem said publicly of Haitians that they should not have protective status because they are “killers, leeches, or entitlement junkies.” Turns out the five are: a neuroscientist researching Alzheimer’s disease, a software engineer at a national bank, a laboratory assistant in a toxicology department, a college economics major, and a full-time registered nurse. 

Judge Reyes found that it “seems substantially likely that Noem “preordained her termination decision and did so because of hostility to nonwhite immigrants.” DHS sought to terminate protective status because conditions in Haiti are merely “concerning” and that harm to the Haitians if returned is speculative. For some reason, the Trump administration included in its briefs the State Dept’s travel warnings. 

[Click here for the full Haiti travel warnings.]

The judge noted that ‘Do not travel to Haiti for any reason’ “does not exactly scream, as Secretary Noem concluded, suitable for return.” Oops. Caught between a rock and a hard place to survive. 

The judge also questioned the Trump administration’s policy complaints; the strains unlawful immigrants place on our immigration-enforcement system. The government’s answer? Turn 352,959 lawful immigrants into unlawful immigrants overnight. The complaints of strains to our economy. The answer? Turn employed lawful immigrants who contribute billions in taxes into the legally unemployable. The strains to our healthcare system. The answer? Turn the insured into the uninsured. 

“This approach is many things,” the judge concluded—”in the public interest is not one of them.” 


Federal agents had informed local police in the Chicago suburb that of Broadview that they should prepare for an increase in the use of chemical agents and ICE activity and that it was “going to be a shitshow.” The parties had divergent takes on what was occurring on the ground. The judge tried to tease out the truth. She noted “a troubling trend of Defendants’ declarants equating protests with riots and a lack of appreciation for the wide spectrum that exists between citizens who are observing, questioning, and criticizing their government, and those who are obstructing, assaulting, or doing violence.” 

“The lens through which we view the world changes our perception of the events around us,” she reasoned. Law enforcement officers who go into an event expecting ‘a shitshow’ are much more likely to experience one than those who go into the event prepared to de-escalate it…This indicates to the Court both bias and lack of objectivity.” 

The final straw for the judge was to remind the Trump lawyers who’d repeatedly referred to the idea that protestors who wear gas masks are demonstrating a desire to do physical violence to law enforcement, even when pressed by the Court that masks are protective equipment, not offensive weapons.” 

Presumably, she added, Trump’s lawyers don’t believe that the CBP officers who have engaged in street patrols in and around Chicago are also demonstrating a desire to do physical violence, though they are both wearing masks and carrying weapons. Additionally, the judge noted that despite the claim that protestors are wearing gas masks, most of the photos submitted by agents showed protesters wearing Covid-19 masks. 

Let’s not leave out Federal Judge Robert Gettleman who addressed the conditions in the ICE detention facility in Broadview. He described conditions for detainees as “sleeping shoulder to shoulder next to filthy toilets that are overflowing, surrounded by human waste. It’s just unacceptable.” 

We take you now across the country to Portland, Oregon and Federal Judge Karin J. Immergut who took judicial notice that in Sept. 2025, Trump posted a message on his Truth Social account stating that he was directing Pete Hegseth, the Secretary of War, to provide troops to protect “War ravaged Portland” from “Antifa, and other domestic terrorists” and authorizing “Full Force, if necessary.” 

She concluded: “This country has a longstanding and foundational tradition of resistance to government overreach, especially in the form of military intrusion into civil affairs…This historical tradition boils down to a simple proposition: this is a nation of Constitutional law, not martial law. Defendants have made a range of arguments that, if accepted, risk blurring the line between civil and military federal power—to the detriment of this nation.” 

For now, we’ll give Federal Judge William Young the last words. A good thing too because his opinion ran 161 pages. Ostensibly the case was about the deportation of non-citizen activists at colleges. 

Judge Young wrote that Trump “ignores everything…The Constitution, our civil laws, regulations, mores, customs, practices, courtesies – all of it; the President simply ignores it all when he takes it into his head to act.” The judge apparently had been holding it in: “While the President naturally seeks warm cheering and gladsome, welcoming acceptance of his views, in the real world he’ll settle for sullen silence and obedience. What he will not countenance is dissent or disagreement.” 

“From the start of his political career, demonizing immigrants has been Trump’s stock in trade. Since his return to office, he has been unusually aggressive in his campaign to round up, detain and deport people whose citizenship status is questionable, and, in some cases, citizens have been caught up in the dragnet. The administration has repeatedly violated the constitution by targeting people because of how they look or the sound of their accents. It has even singled them out because of what they have said or written.” 

Since I wrote this, yet another case coursed through the courts. 

Federal Judge Richard J. Leon barred Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth from enforcing a censure against Kelly over comments that the Arizona Democrat made in a social media video that reminded service members that they can refuse illegal orders. 

“This Court has all it needs to conclude that Defendants have trampled on Senator Kelly’s First Amendment freedoms and threatened the constitutional liberties of millions of military retirees,” Judge Leon wrote in a 29-page opinion. 

He continued, “Rather than trying to shrink the First Amendment liberties of retired service members, Secretary Hegseth and his fellow Defendants might reflect and be grateful for the wisdom and expertise that retired servicemembers have brought to public discussions and debate on military matters in our Nation over the past 250 years. If so, they will more fully appreciate why the Founding Fathers made free speech the first Amendment in the Bill of Rights!” 

The judge threw hypocrisy right back in the faces of Trump and his team by citing remarks from a speech Hegseth gave in 2016: “If you’re doing something that is just completely unlawful and ruthless, then there is a consequence for that. That’s why the military said it won’t follow unlawful orders from their commander in chief. … There’s a belief that we are above what so many things that our enemies or others would do.” 

In case you’re curious or conspiratorial, the judges, in order of appearance in this essay, were appointed to the federal bench by…Presidents Clinton, Reagan, Clinton, Biden, Biden, Clinton, Trump, Reagan and George W. Bush. 

The MAGA right likes to invoke “Trump Derangement Syndrome” to call out negative reactions to Trump, his policies and his cronies. Trump likes to say he tells it like it is.


Thankfully, there are still judges who recognize wherein the derangement syndrome lies and who are willing to tell Trump and his team that what they do is tell it like they don’t care what is. What they actually tell is whitewash. They the judges and we the people are all that are left to hold them accountable. 

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